Charles
Darwin wrote in 1876:
If all the individuals of any species were
habitually to suffer to an extreme degree, they would neglect to propagate their
kind; but we have no reason to believe that this has ever, or at least often
occurred. Some other considerations, moreover, lead to the belief that all
sentient beings have been formed so as to enjoy, as a general rule, happiness.
"Everyone who believes, as I do, that all the corporeal and mental organs
(excepting those which are neither advantageous nor disadvantageous to the
possessor) of all beings have been developed through natural selection, or the
survival of the fittest, together with use or habit, will admit that these
organs have been formed so that their possessors may compete successfully with
other beings, and thus increase in number. Now an animal may be led to pursue
that course of action which is most beneficial to the species by suffering, such
as pain, hunger, thirst, and fear; or by pleasure, as in eating and drinking,
and in the propagation of the species, etc.; or by both means combined, as in
the search for food. But pain or suffering of any kind, if long continued,
causes depression and lessens the power of action, yet is well adapted to make a
creature guard itself against any great or sudden evil. Pleasurable
sensations, on the other hand, may be long continued without any depressing
effect; on the contrary, they stimulate the whole system to increased action.
Hence it has come to pass that most or all sentient beings have been
developed in such a manner, through natural selection, that pleasurable
sensations serve as their habitual guides. We see this in the pleasure from
exertion, even occasionally from great exertion of the body or mind,--in the
pleasure of our daily meals, and especially in the pleasure derived from
sociability, and from loving our families. The sum of such pleasures as
these, which are habitual or frequently recurrent, give, as I can hardly doubt,
to most sentient beings an excess of happiness over misery, although many
occasionally suffer much. Such suffering is quite compatible with the belief in
Natural Selection, which is not perfect in its action, but tends only to render
each species as successful as possible in the battle for life with other
species, in wonderfully complex and changing circumstances. "That there is
much suffering in the world no one disputes. Some have attempted to explain this
with reference to man by imagining that it serves for his moral improvement. But
the number of men in the world is as nothing compared with that of all other
sentient beings, and they often suffer greatly without any moral improvement.
This very old argument from the existence of suffering against the existence of
an intelligent First Cause seems to me a strong one; whereas, as just remarked,
the presence of much suffering agrees well with the view that all organic beings
have been developed through variation and natural selection.
(Darwin,
1887)

Randolph
Nesse of the University of Michigan's Department of Psychiatry, argues
for an evolutionary (rather than proximate) explanation of the several
functions of mood. He considers mood to be coordinated specialised states shaped to cope with
situations of high and low propitiousness i.e. mood is a
reflection of the perceived propitiousness of current circumstances.
Nesse argues that emotions serve to promote adaptive
behaviour by motivating actions & goals, as most thoughts, plans & actions
are intended to induce positive emotions or to avoid negative
emotions. Emotions can be defined as modes of operation shaped by NS
to adjust physiological, psychological (cognitive) & behavioural parameters
of the organism to increase its capacity & tendency to respond adaptively to
(cope with) threats & opportunities in certain situations (adaptive
challenges that occurred repeatedly in the course of evolution).
Specifically, Nesse proposes that high mood helps individuals take
advantage of propitious situations & low mood motivates them to seek help,
be socially submissive, conserve resources and consider alternative strategies
in situations where investments are not paying off (Nesse, 1990,
1991).
Nesse
(1990) argues for a correspondence between specific emotions &
specific situations that elicit the emotion. He likens emotions to
selected hard-wired software
programs for the mind. However, he notes differences such as that
different emotions can be aroused to different degrees all at once.
(Nesse,
2000) differentiates "depression", which he defines as severe
states of negative affect that are often but not necessarily pathological,
from "low mood", which refers to mood states in the common
range of normal experience. He suggests that NS may have gradually
& partially differentiated a generic state of inhibition into
subtypes specialised to cope with particular kinds of situations, leading to
overlapping states such as sadness, grief, demoralisation, guilt &
boredom. Nesse argues that the intrinsic aversiveness of most low
mood & depressive states suggests that they may be related to a defense,
just as aversive defenses such as pain, nausea & fatigue are likely to be
the product of NS due to their tendency to promote escape & avoidance of
situations that decrease fitness. Further evidence can be found in the
epidemiology of depression, which indicates that depressive disorders are
common, with constituent symptoms that most people have experienced, & which
arise frequently at ages where reproductivity peaks. He also notes the
frequent relationship between loss & negative affect, & the
proportionality of low mood to the magnitude of the loss.
Nesse
(1990) argues that depressive & anxiety disorders are extreme
versions of sadness & fear (normal defenses). He argues that
pathological depression is caused by low mood being expressed excessively, in a
prolonged manner, or in the wrong situation. Nesse
(2000) notes that whilst 80% of first episode depressions in women are
preceded by a severe life event, onset of depression tends not to be preceded by
severe life events for third & subsequent episodes, suggesting that not all
depressive episodes are defenses.
Leon
Sloman (1992) of the University of Toronto & Clarke Institute of
Psychiatry, emphasises the social functions of mood. He proposes
that low mood has the double function of triggering behavioural subroutines within
the individual & communicating to others. This distinction between
internal & external functions of mood follows the traditional separation
between the communicative & motivational functions of mood. Nesse
(1992) notes that "subjective" aspects of mood are sometimes
treated as a third category, a cognitive function, to reflect additional functions that arise for
internal states that are consciously experienced.
Sloman
(1992) suggests that mood variation plays a crucial role in the regulation
of aggressive behaviours necessary for survival. The feelings of
inadequacy, discouragement & hopelessness that characterises low mood may be
designed to turn off aggression within the individual as well as to
inhibit aggression directed by others towards that individual. The low
mood response may enable a separated infant to pass from Bowlby's stage of
protest (an aggressive response) to depression (withdrawal or submission from
internalising the bad object), to elicit sympathy from others. It therefore
serves the function of ending an agonistic conflict by causing
individuals who are losing to submit to their opponents.
This enables them to elicit sympathy, perhaps from the same individuals
they were previously challenging. He argues that there may be a sequence
of affective states (behavioural subroutines), each state being specifically
programmed to switch off the previous one. He suggests that low mood turns
off bad mood, which leads to obtaining nurturing, ending the conflict,
submitting, getting out of the situation, or ending frustration by giving up
unrealistic goals. This allows the individual to engage in activities that
may be more productive and therefore mood elevating. He suggests that the
high mood of the winner terminates aggression & facilitates acceptance of
the opponent's act of submission, which brings the conflict to an end. It
contributes to an increase in self-confidence, which encourages the winner to
tackle new challenges & may promote that individual's chances of being
successful in future conflicts (Sloman,
1992).
Another view of mood function is that mood variation may assist
individuals to attain an appropriate position in the social hierarchy,
which helps them develop realistic goals to be more productive. If
people with particular skills fail to have those skills recognised & are
trapped in a low position in a hierarchy, this may create frustration for them
because they cannot express their talents in a productive fashion. If they
are too high in the hierarchy they are also likely to experience frustration
& failure, because they lack the necessary competence to maintain their
position. The reluctance of most people to give up power or status seems
to be associated with the fact that the loss of one's position in a hierarchy
usually generates low mood. Individuals obtain information about their
competitor's talents or skills through competitive struggles. Success
leads to high mood, encouraging further efforts in that arena, their skills
becoming recognised by the group & their rising in that hierarchy.
This provides a good opportunity for their further developing & utilising
their talents for the benefit of the group. For example, in
hunter-gatherer society the group will benefit by being able to recognise those
who are potentially the best trackers, warriors or weapon makers and to
encourage them to develop their skills. If the individual tries his hand
at an activity for which he is unsuited, his consequent low mood would
discourage him from further efforts in that direction and encourage him to try
to succeed in another arena where he could more productive (Sloman,
1992).

Hartung
(1988) has suggested that low self-esteem may often be a deception (and
self-deception) that allows one to keep a position in the hierarchy without
threatening the higher-ups.

Lazarus
(1991) defines emotions as "complex, patterned, organismic
reactions to how we think we are doing in our lifelong efforts to survive &
flourish & to achieve what we wish for ourselves". "They
express the intimate personal meaning of what is happening in our social lives
& combine motivational, cognitive, adaptational, & physiological processes
into a single complex state that involves several levels of
analysis". He argues for a systems rather than reductionist view, in
that "emotion cannot be divorced from cognition, motivation, adaptation,
& physiological activity". He emphasises that "one must
remember that, above all, emotions are individual phenomena & display great
variations among individuals ... an emotion happens to a person with a
distinctive history who wants, thinks, & confronts specific environments,
evaluates their significance, & acts as adaptively as
possible".

Morris
(1992) defines mood as a cue to the individual about the resources
available to meet environmental demands. He considers how a functional
analysis of mood can help to explain diurnal and seasonal patterns of mood,
mood-congruent memory and perception, the relation of mood to self-focussed
attention (Ingram, 1990), and various aspects of the major affective
disorders.

LeDoux argues that emotions can have both useful & pathological consequences.
He notes that our emotions can become maladaptive when fear becomes anxiety,
desire gives way to greed, annoyance to anger, anger to hatred, friendship to
envy, love to obsession (fixation) or pleasure to addiction. He suggests
that this tendency towards emotional disorder occurs because, "While
conscious control over emotions is weak, emotions can flood consciousness.
This is so because the wiring of the brain at this point in our evolutionary
history is such that connections from the emotional systems to the cognitive
systems are stronger than connections from the cognitive systems to the emotional
systems" LeDoux (1996).

Wilson
(2001) argues that the nosological meaning of "depression" is
likely to be a syndromic composite of homologous genetic traits, phenocopies and
proximate mechanisms. He suggests some underlying genotypy of depression
is too common not to have been selected.
Wilson
(2002) suggests that much mood psychopathology refers to phenotypic
variants of past epigenetic adaptations, most of which regulated social rank
hierarchies or sexual selection. He argues that mood disorders
result from extremes of normal evolutionary stable strategies that evolved in evolutionary
stages. He suggests that depression is the equivalent of yielding or
de-escalating social conflict and mania is related to escalation to acquire
resources (as
per MacLean & Stevens & Price).

Stevens
& Price (2000) classify mood disorders as loss of attachment : pathogenic parenting causing neurotic
symptoms.

Stevens
& Price (2000) classify mood disorders loss of rank : lowered resource holding potential, competition for resources or
loss of territorial ownership.




Stevens
& Price (2000) suggest there are two vertebrate strategies for
dealing with adversity: the escalation or winning strategy (attack,
"win at all costs") and the de-escalating or losing strategy (to
yield, submit & "cut one's losses", to achieve adaptive depression).
Either strategy, depending on the context, may lead to adaptive outcomes for the organism.
MacLean
(1985) suggests that each of the
three central processing assemblies of the triune brain has the
autonomous power to select either a winning or a losing strategy:
Anger
is the emotion of attack, facilitating winning by providing an uprush of energy,
leading to an mood elevation if the strategy is successful or depression in
defeat.
Intractable anger causing intractable
maladaptive depression occurs when something appalling has been done to the
person, which leads to resistance to yielding. It is the depression that
develops secondary to Chronic Post
Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Stevens
& Price 2000).


Akiskal
(1996) notes that dysthymia lacks the classical 'objective' or 'major'
signs of acute clinical depression, such as profound changes in psychomotor and
vegetative functions. Instead, patients consult their doctors for more
fluctuating complaints such as gloominess, lethargy, and self-doubt. As a
result, in the past they were labelled "existential depressives" or
"depressive characters". Several lines of research over the past
15 yrs have shed new light on the biological origins of this disorder.
Sleep neurophysiologic findings have shown that many parameters of paradoxical
sleep in dysthymia (such as REM percentage, REM latency, and circadian
distribution of REM) are similar to those observed in major affective
illness. Furthermore, family studies of dysthymia have shown a significant
excess of mood disorders. Akiskal suggests, based on sleep
findings, family and follow-up data, that dysthymia be considered as "trait
depression," a constitutional variant of major affective
depression.
Akiskal
(2002) suggests that the melancholic temperament reflects sensitivity to
suffering and evolved because empathy was important for group cohesion & the
accompanying obsessive-compulsive traits promoting of work. He suggests
the stereotype of the unipolar hard-working philosopher.


Akiskal
(2002) suggests that mood disorders may be the result of extreme traits or
pathological combinations of personality traits. Hyperthymic, cyclothymic
or irritable personality traits are common in bipolar people. The irritable/explosive temperament may be more on the side of
pathology. Achievement
and creativity may be a dilute form of bipolar disorder, as these capacities are
evident in bipolar patients between their acute mood episodes. There have
been studies of non-ill relatives in families of people with bipolar disorder
that support the view that capacity for achievement and creativity may represent
a dilute form of the genes and premorbid temperaments of bipolar disorder.
Music, performing arts and poetry may have evolved to attract the opposite sex,
just as a peacock evolved its bright plumage secondary to sexual
selection. Leadership qualities may relate to dilute bipolar traits
and have evolved to better face challenges to the group from within and without
to increase group stability & keep the group together. This may have
been necessary for risk taking & exploration, on behalf of the social
group, & exploration of potential mates.
The
flamboyant behaviour & restless pursuit of romantic opportunities in cyclothymia
suggests that its constituent traits may have evolved as a mechanism of
sexual selection. Their creative bent for poetry, music, painting
and fashion design may have evolved to subserve such a mechanism (Akiskal,
2000).

Wilson
(2002) argues that bipolar disorder is an epigenetic disease as it
clusters in families & has a high rate of twin concordance & like sickle
cell anaemia, the first genetic disease that was shown to have evolved for its
adaptive genes protecting against malaria in homozygotes, has a high morbidity
& mortality, which makes it hard to understand why it is so common (0.5% for
the Kraeplinian classification & 6% for the extended bipolar spectrum
disorder). Wilson calculated that the narrow Kraeplinian category
is 50 times as common as predicted to occur from classical population genetics
(Hardy-Weinberg) & thousands (possibly as high as 12,000) times for those
who would be categorised as having a variant of the bipolar spectrum disorder, when
taking the prevalence/frequency in the context of the maximum mammalian CNS
mutation rate. He argues that this data argues that the genes for bipolar
disorder were selected early in human or prehuman life. Wilson argues that
the selection relates to "socio-physiology". At the end of the
Ice Age 15,000 years ago, changed climate encouraged the rise of agriculture,
which led to humans living more densely. The "phenotypic
reaction" was for less flexible genes to be deselected.


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Psychiatry Home Sydney Australia (http://www.ep.org.au/dis/mood.htm)
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